We will build on the previous chapter’s focus on understanding the practices of states and non-state agents by using the concept of geopolitical codes. This chapter will extend our conversation by exploring the way that a country’s decisions and actions are justified. Through an analysis of popular culture, we find that our exposure to and participation in the geopolitics is pervasive. We will see that geopolitical representations are fluid and dynamic—adapting to the quickly changing contexts.
By the end of this lesson, you should be able to:
Please see your Canvas course space for a complete listing of this lesson's required readings, assignments, and due dates.
If you have any general course questions, please post them to our Course Questions Discussion located in the General Information Module in Canvas. I will check that discussion forum regularly to respond as appropriate. While you are there, feel free to post your own responses and comments if you are able to help out a classmate.
Please begin by reading Chapter 3 of Flint, C. (2016). Introduction to geopolitics (3rd ed.). London: Routledge.
The two most common themes for justifying war: material interests and values.
As Flint explains, these two themes are not competing or mutually exclusive. However, they are the two most common themes used to justify participation in warfare.
There is an interesting geographic distinction associated with each of these themes:
(Flint, 2016, p. 81)
Read President Woodrow Wilson’s speech to Congress back in 1917 as he urges Congress to declare war on Germany. How does he represent the US interest in going to war with Germany? How does Wilson explain its geopolitical position and how he, as the US President, came to the conclusion that war is justified? Who has he identified as our allies and our enemies? Note also how he treats the German people in contrast to his consideration of the government making decisions and taking action on their behalf.
Woodrow Wilson’s “War Message to Congress” (April 2, 1917) [1]
Now let’s journey to the present, nearly a century after Woodrow Wilson’s speech, and examine our current geopolitical code embedded in President Barack Obama’s speech to the public outlining the US strategy to combat the terrorist group known as ISIL (Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant).
Read the transcript of President Barack Obama’s public address on September 10th 2014 outlining a four-part plan to combat the Islamic State. How does President Obama identify our enemy? What distinctions does he make about who ISIL is and who they represent? How does he represent American interests in actively combating ISIL? What is our justification for engaging in armed conflict with ISIL?
Transcript: President Obama’s speech outlining strategy to defeat Islamic State [2]
Nationalism is the belief in a common culture, or people, and its connection to a particular country. For a deeper discussion of the importance of nationalism(s), see below.
Countries on the Cusp—The Power of Nationalism (by Martha Legace) [3] This will take you to an interview with Harvard Business School Professor Rawi Abdelal where he describes the power nationalism has over new countries—and their far-reaching effects.
Another perspective on nationalism is discussed in the following article by Jerry Z. Muller in Foreign Affairs (March/April 2008), titled Us and Them: The Enduring Power of Ethnic Nationalism. [4]
As Flint explains, “we all carry around ‘knowledge’ of countries that we probably know very little about.” (2016, p. 85) We gather information about these countries from a variety of sources including Hollywood movies, television shows, songs, jokes, comedy routines, comics, magazines, and so forth. These sources can paint an interesting picture or caricature of a group of people, a particular location, or a nation as a whole.
This list of ‘patriotic songs’ wasn’t created based on some rigorous scientific analysis with objective criteria establishing what patriotism is. A list claiming such qualifications would be questionable at best. The point of directing you to this list is to have you go through the list and observe what songs are on the (subjectively created) list and perhaps even look up the lyrics to a song of interest. What image is being created in this song? How are places (or people) constructed (or characterized)? What assumptions do you make about the topic(s) of the song and how might it inform your narrative about America?
This is not the typical patriotic song in that it actually questions American Nationalism. The song focuses on the conflicted physical/mental/emotional space of the “common man” – providing examples ranging from an American soldier returning from Vietnam to an ungrateful America, to factory workers who were being displaced while the nation was unable or unwilling to confront the domestic loss in manufacturing jobs to a new global economic order. The song’s chorus: "Born In The U.S.A." has become a rallying cry for US pride and patriotism. However, Springsteen’s intention was to question various political and economic trends underway in America and how they were impacting average Americans. (Born In The U.S.A. by Bruce Springsteen Songfacts [6]. (n.d.). Retrieved February 10, 2015)
Watch the following The Daily Show with Jon Stewart clip titled, The Fourth Estate [7].
The video highlights the power of discourse and “knowledge” production. French philosopher Michel Foucault argues “experts” are given the authority to create “knowledge” which then becomes ‘common sense’ and normative behavior. In the clip from The Daily Show, Jon Stewart highlights how various media outlets have “succeeded” in creating “knowledge” and thus shaping our understanding of the world in particular ways.
Indeed, as Flint argues, pop culture references are ubiquitous—they are ever-present, everywhere. What we read, watch, and listen to all inform various aspects of what we “know.” In particular, Flint discusses how Reader’s Digest and the Bourne movies are an example of both the Gramscian and feminist definitions of power. Are there any other TV shows, movies, or fiction works that you can think of that might fit well into these categories?
The following suggested videos and readings should help you think through the discussion and debate on Said’s Orientalism and critique of Huntington’s The Clash of Civilizations. If Flint's (2016) discussion of these sources seems unclear, the following resources should provide more background, context, and points of analysis.
The Clash of Civilizations, by Samuel Huntington (pdf) [8]
The Clash of Ignorance, by Edward Said [9]
I'm going to start, in fact talk throughout about an essay and a book written by Samuel Huntington entitled The Clash of Civilizations. When it first appeared in 1993 in the Journal of Foreign Affairs it had a question mark after it. It announced in its first sentence that world politics is entering a new phase. Three years later, Huntington expanded the essay some would say bloated it to the size of a book without a question mark. The new book which was published last year entitled The Clash of Civilization and the Emerging World Order. My premise is that the essay is better than the book, it got worse the more he added to it. So I'll concentrate most of my attention on the essay, but make some comments about the book as we go along.
Now, what Huntington meant when he said the world politics is entering a new phase was that whereas in the recent past world conflicts had been between ideological caps grouping the first, second, and third worlds into warring entities, the new style of politics which he discerned would entail conflict between different and presumably clashing civilizations. I quote him, "The great divisions among humankind and the dominating source of conflict will be cultural. The clash of civilizations will dominate global politics." Later he explains how it is that the principal clash will be between Western and non-western civilization. But he spends most of his time in the two works discussing the disagreements potential or actual between what he calls the West on the one hand and on the other Islamic and Confucian civilizations. In terms of detail a great deal more attention, hostile attention, is paid to Islam than to any other civilization including the West. Much of the tremendous interest subsequently taken in Huntington's essay, I think derives from its timing rather than exclusively from what it says. As he himself notes there have been several intellectual and political attempts since the end of the Cold War to map the emerging world situation. This includes Francis Fukuyama's thesis on the end of history which nobody talks about, so the end of Fukuyama really. The thesis put about during the latter days of the Bush administration the theory the so-called new world order, but there have been more serious attempts to deal with the coming millennium in works by Paul Kennedy for example. I recalled less interesting and more rabid Connor Cruise O'Brien, Robert Kaplan and a book that's apparently making the rounds on campuses on Jihad vs. McWorld by Benjamin Barber. All these books have done so have looked at the coming millennium with considerable attention to the causes of future conflict. Which has given them all, I think, justly cause for alarm. The core of Huntington's vision, which is not really original with him, is the idea of an unceasing clash. A concept of conflict which slides somewhat effortlessly into the political space vacated by the unremitting war of ideas and values embodied and values in the unregretted Cold War of which of course Huntington was a great theorist. I don't think therefore, its inaccurate to suggest that what Huntington's providing in his work, especially since it's primarily addressed to influential opinion and policy makers, is in fact the recycled version of the cold-war thesis. The complex in today's and tomorrow's world will remain not economic or social in essence but ideological. If that is so, than one ideology the West's, is a still point where the Locust, locust around which for Huntington all other civilizations turn.
In effect then, the Cold War continues, but this time on many fronts with many more serious and basic systems of values and ideas like Islam and Confucianism struggling for sentencing and even dominance over the West. Not surprisingly therefore, Huntington concludes his essay a with a brief survey, not only his essay but his book as well with a survey, of what the west might do must do to remain strong and keep its opponents, keeps its opponent's weak and divided. He says, "The West must exploit differences and conflicts," I'm quoting now, "and conflicts among Confucian and Islamic states to support in other civilizations groups sympathetic to western values and interests to strengthen international institutions that reflect and legitimate western interests and values, and to promote the involvement of non-western states in those institutions." That's a very interventionist and quite aggressive attitude towards others civilizations to get them to be more western. So strong and insistent is Huntington's notion that other civilizations necessarily clash with the West. Relentlessly aggressive and chauvinistic in it's prescription for what the West must do to continue winning. So that with the reader is forced to conclude that he's really most interested in continuing and expanding the cold war by other means rather then advancing ideas that might help us to understand the current world scene or ideas that will try to reconcile between cultures.
Not only will conflict continue, but he says, the conflict between civilizations will be the latest phase in the evolution of conflict in the modern world. It is a very brief and rather crudely articulated manual in the art of maintaining a wartime status in the minds of Americans and others that Huntington's work has to be now understood. I'd go so far as saying that it argues from the standpoint of pentagon planners and defense industry executives who may have temporarily lost their occupations after the end of the cold war, but have now discovered a new vocation for themselves. But perhaps because Huntington is more interested in policy prescriptions than he is in either in history or in the careful analysis of cultures, Huntington in my opinion is quite misleading what he says and how he puts things. A great deal of his argument first of all, depends on second and third-hand opinions that scants the enormous advances in our concrete understanding and theoretical understanding of how cultures work how they change in how they can best be grasped or apprehended. A brief look at the people and opinions he quotes suggests that journalism and popular demagoguery are his main sources rather than serious scholarship or theory. When you draw on tendentious publicists and scholars, you already prejudice the argument in favor of conflict and polemic rather than a favor to understand the kind of cooperation between peoples that our planet needs. Huntington's authorities are not the cultures themselves, but a small handful authorities picked by him because in fact they emphasize the latent bellicosity in one or another statement by one or another so-called spokesperson for about that culture.
The giveaway for me is the title of his book and his essay The Clash of Civilizations, which is not his phrase but Bernard Lewis's. Is on the last page have Lewis's essay titled the The Roots of Muslim Rage, which appeared in the September 1990 issue of The Atlantic Monthly. Lewis speaks about the current problem with the Islamic world. I quote, this is incredible stuff, "It should by now be clear," Lewis says, "...that we are facing a mood and a movement in Islam far transcending the level of issues and policies and the governments that pursue them. This is no less than a clash of civilizations. The perhaps irrational, but surely historic receptions, of an ancient rival against our," whenever your hear the word our, you want to head for the exit, "...against our Judeo-Christian heritage, our secular present, and the world-wide expansion of both, it is crucially important that we, on our side, should not be provoked into an equally historic, but also equally irrational reaction against our rival." In other words, we shouldn't be as crazy as they are. Of course Lewis is very much listened to at the Council of Foreign Relations the New York review books, and so on and so forth. but few people today with any sense would want to volunteer such sweeping accusations that the ones advanced by Lewis about a billion, a billion Muslims scattered through five continents, dozens of different languages and traditions and histories. Of them all, Lewis says that they are all in rage at Western modernity, as if a billion people were really only one person and Western civilization was no more complicated a matter than a simple.
Please visit the Lesson 3 Module in Canvas for a full description of the assignment, including due dates and submission instructions.
Reminder: You should also be submitting comments on group member #1's post from last week!
A detailed explanation of this ongoing assignment can be found in the GEOG 128 Syllabus.
Geopolitical codes are not static. They change over time—as they should. A country’s geopolitical code is relational. It depends on relationships within a complex web of both domestic and international actors and conditions. This section in Flint (2012) explains the dynamism of geopolitical codes. Flint also discusses this dynamism in his 2009 article “Mapping the Dynamism of the United States’ Geopolitical Code: The Geography of the State of the Union Speeches, 1998-2008”. The following figures are from that article: Flint, C., Adduci, M., Chen, M., and Chi, S. (2009) Mapping the Dynamism of the United States’ Geopolitical Code: The Geography of the State of the Union Speeches, 1998-2008. Geopolitics, 14:4, 604-629 [10].
In an effort to provide a visual representation of this dynamism, look at the following images from Flint, et al. (2009).
What do we understand by looking at and analyzing these maps (and their associated speeches)? According to Flint, et al. (2009), p. 625:
Three general trends can be discerned from the analysis of the speeches: an increase in reference to adversaries; an increase in the number of countries mentioned; and an increase in the geographic scope of the foreign policy references. There was a clear rise in the geographic scope of the speeches, especially the inclusion of all regions of Asia, and a concomitant increase in the number of countries mentioned. From the confined regional foci of Presidents Reagan and George H. W. Bush, the American public was introduced to a broad spectrum of countries, regions, and foreign policy issues through the Clinton and George W. Bush administrations.”
Over time, Flint, et al. (2009) highlights how our geopolitical code has expanded its foci to a more broad and diverse selection of countries, regions, and foreign policy issues. This is, of course, not coincidence, but certainly moves in concert with the trajectory of contemporary globalization that finds every country more economically, politically, and culturally enmeshed with each other.
You should now be able to:
You have reached the end of Lesson 3! Double-check the Lesson 3 module in Canvas to make sure you have completed all of the activities listed there before you begin Lesson 4.
Links
[1] http://www.heritage.org/initiatives/first-principles/primary-sources/woodrow-wilsons-war-message-to-congress
[2] http://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/full-text-of-president-obamas-speech-outlining-strategy-to-defeat-islamic-state/2014/09/10/af69dec8-3943-11e4-9c9f-ebb47272e40e_story.html
[3] http://hbswk.hbs.edu/archive/2708.html
[4] http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/63217/jerry-z-muller/us-and-them
[5] http://100mostsongsofusamerica.blogspot.com/
[6] http://www.songfacts.com/detail.php?id=1014
[7] http://www.cc.com/video-clips/k3sdvm/the-daily-show-with-jon-stewart-exclusive---the-fourth-estate
[8] https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/1163/f4d4aa28038ac47a841beac79b9df2a43e8a.pdf
[9] http://home.zcu.cz/~dkrizek/SBV1/Texty%202/Said%20-%20The%20Clash%20of%20Ignorance.pdf
[10] http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/14650040802693929